Post by account_disabled on Mar 4, 2024 2:46:05 GMT -6
And economy of their territory to become mere gendarmes of their internal security, are complicit in this situation. L. Wacquant has expressed it very well in The Penalization of Misery. From the importation of security policies,pointing out that the States, their deficit of sovereignty and political, economic and social power, have made up for it with an unprecedented development of their penal power, of their right hand (police, justice, prison) to the detriment of their left hand (symbolized in education, health, social assistance, unemployment insurance, pensionsin a path that almost exclusively affects the marginalized lower layers of society. The symbolic function of legitimizing this selective exercise of its means of coercion is reserved for law, then.
To combat protest, a logical consequence of these neoliberal policies, States allocate many control and punishment resources in addition to cultural and media resources. The government's response to the citizen's response is based on the creation of the concept of enemy, according to the “Criminal Australia Phone Number Law of the Enemy” (*), coined by Gunter Jackobs in the eighties. This legal-political doctrine distinguishes some subjects as citizens and susceptible to state protection, and others as enemies and therefore must be fought. The criminal law of the enemy can be thought of on the other hand, from a philosophical current inspired by the concept of the State of Exception developed by Schmitt (2009) and continued by Agamben . The authors propose an analysis of the capacity of political power to violate the rule of law with the intention of defending it from any threat. They study the State's own capacity to transgress freedoms in exceptional cases.
This structural change in the functions of criminal law occurred in the 1970s, as a result of the conservative social counterrevolution that first took hold in Anglo-Saxon countries. The New Right of Reagan and Margaret Thatcher are its most emblematic politicians. A paradigm of the above, of this expansion of criminal law, is Spain, which serves to control and punish the marginalized and excluded classes, as a consequence of neoliberal policies. Let's do a brief review. It is convenient to remember and even more so in this Spain of ours that is prone to forgetfulness. protest THE SPANISH CASE In the first term of M. Rajoy (M. Punto Rajoy) between 2011-2015, although he remained in office until the elections of June 26, 2016, we witnessed how, taking into account a generational vision of rights, the first cuts occurred in social.
To combat protest, a logical consequence of these neoliberal policies, States allocate many control and punishment resources in addition to cultural and media resources. The government's response to the citizen's response is based on the creation of the concept of enemy, according to the “Criminal Australia Phone Number Law of the Enemy” (*), coined by Gunter Jackobs in the eighties. This legal-political doctrine distinguishes some subjects as citizens and susceptible to state protection, and others as enemies and therefore must be fought. The criminal law of the enemy can be thought of on the other hand, from a philosophical current inspired by the concept of the State of Exception developed by Schmitt (2009) and continued by Agamben . The authors propose an analysis of the capacity of political power to violate the rule of law with the intention of defending it from any threat. They study the State's own capacity to transgress freedoms in exceptional cases.
This structural change in the functions of criminal law occurred in the 1970s, as a result of the conservative social counterrevolution that first took hold in Anglo-Saxon countries. The New Right of Reagan and Margaret Thatcher are its most emblematic politicians. A paradigm of the above, of this expansion of criminal law, is Spain, which serves to control and punish the marginalized and excluded classes, as a consequence of neoliberal policies. Let's do a brief review. It is convenient to remember and even more so in this Spain of ours that is prone to forgetfulness. protest THE SPANISH CASE In the first term of M. Rajoy (M. Punto Rajoy) between 2011-2015, although he remained in office until the elections of June 26, 2016, we witnessed how, taking into account a generational vision of rights, the first cuts occurred in social.